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VII) we have the beginning:

Bu’a, bu’a, bovinaygau, vinaygu;

bu’a, bu’a, bomwanaygu, mwanaygu . . .

Here the word bu’a (areca-nut) is repeated and used as a bo-, with the antithetic roots -vinay- (female), and -mw[ana-] (male) and with the suffix -gu (first possessive pronoun).

The Kaymwaloyo (Chapter VII) begins:

Gala bu’a, gala doga, gala mwayye...

This is spoken in a solemn manner, and then follows the [...] the root mwase, described above in the free translation of spell.

Another rhythmic beginning, spoken with regular, str marked accent is to be found in the Kaykakaya spell (Chapter XIII):

Kaýtutúna iyanâ, márabwága iyanâ

Symmetrical arrangements of words, with alliterative fixing of a particle and with antithetic uses of word cc are to be found in several other spells.

The Talo formula (Chapter XIII) :

Talo, talo’udawada, udawada

Talo, talomwaylili, mwaylili...

The Ta’uya spell (Chapter XIII):

Mwanita, monimwanita;

Deriwa, baderideriwa;

Derima, baderiderima...

The Ka’ubana’i spell (Chapter XIII):

Mose’una Nikiniki,

Moga’ina Nikiniki...

The Kwoygapani spell (Chapter XIV):

Kwega, kweganubwa’i, nubwa’i;

Kwega, kweganuwa’i, nuwa’i;

Kwega, kweganuma ’i , numa’i...

I have written them down here without full commen[tary, to] show their formal phonetic characteristics, which are ind[eed in] all essentials quite similar to the samples previously q[uoted] and analysed.

X

The main parts of the spells in the magic of the Kula do not essentially differ in their characteristics from the tapwana of the canoe magic. In their form, some key-words are simply verbs used without any transformation in their narrative tense. Thus in the Talo (red paint) formula, the pair of verbs ikata („it flares up”), inamila („it flashes”) is used with various nouns describing parts of the human head. The key-words of the Kayikuna Tabuyo (Chapter XIII) are also grammatically simple: buribwari, kuvakaku kuvakipusa („fish-hawk, fall on thy prey, catch it”) the verbs being in the second person of the narrative tense.

In other cases we find the key-word transformed by reduplication, composition or by affixes. In the Yawarapu spell (Chapter VII) the pair boraytupa, badederuma repeated as key expressions is a compound which I did not succeed in analysing completely, though the consensus of my informants makes me satisfied with the approximate translation: „Quick sailing, abundant haul”. In the Gebobo spell (Chapter VII) the expression tutube tubeyama is a play on the root tubwo used as a rule verbally and meaning „to be full in the face”, „to be fine looking”. In the Ta’uya spell (Chapter XIII) there is the reduplication munumweynise of the root mwana or mwayna expressing the „itching” or „state of excitement”. In the ka’ubanai the first key-expression ida dabara is an archaic or dialectical couple (the root is dabara, and ida is only a phonetic addition), which signifies „to ebb”. The other key-expressions ka’ukwa yaruyaru, ka’ukwa mwasara, ka’ukwa mwasara baremwasemwasara, have all the verbal part irregularly reduplicated and in the last expression repeated and transformed. The last formula of the mwasila (Kula magic) given in Chapter XIV, has a pair of expressions used as key-phrase: kwoygapani, pani; kwoyga’ulu, ulu. The word kwega, a variety of betel plant, is used in a modified form as a prefix and compounded with the verbal roots pani (seduce) and ulu (enmesh).

As to the final parts of this class of spell, I have said before that it is much less variable than the initial and main parts of a formula. Within the same cycle or system, the dogina often varies little and a man will often use the same one with all his spells. The sample given with the sulumwoya text will therefore be sufficient to show the various characteristics of this part of the mwasila spell, and there is no need to say anything more about it.

XI

A very rapid survey of the phonetic characters df the kayga’u spells (Chapter XI) must be sufficient and we shall confine ourselves to their tapwana. The word gwa’u or ga’u means „mist” or „fog”; verbally used with the meaning „to make mist”, „to befog”, it has always the form ga’u. In the main parts of some of the formulae of this class, this phonetically very expressive word is used with very great sound effect. For example in the giyorokaywa spell No. 1, the key-words are aga’u („I befog”), aga’usulu („I befog, lead astray”); aga’uboda („I befog, shut off”). Spoken, at the beginning of the tapwana slowly and sonorously, and then quickly and insistently, these words produce a really „magical” effect — that is as far as the hearers’ subjective impressions are concerned. Even more impressive and onomatopoetic is the phrase used as keyexpression in the Giyotanawa No. 2:

Ga’u, yaga’u, yagaga’u, yaga’u, bode, bodegu!

This sentence, giving the vowels a full Italian value, such as they receive in the Melanesian pronunciation, does certainly have an impressive ring; fittingly enough, because this is the dramatic spell, uttered into the wind in the sinking waga, the final effort of magic to blind and mislead the mulukwausi. The causative prefix ya is used here with a nominal expression yaga’u, which has been translated „gathering mist”; the reduplicated one yagaga’u I have rendered by „encircling mist”. It can be seen from this example how feebly the equivalents can be given of the magical phrases in which so much is expressed by phonetic or onomatopoetic means.

The other spells have much less inspired key-words. Giyotanawa No. 1 uses the word atumboda, translated „I press”, „I close down”, which literally renders the meanings of the verbs tum, „to press”, and boda, „to close”. The Giyorokaywa No. 2 has the somewhat archaic key-words spoken in a couple: „apeyra yauredi”, „I arise”, „I escape” and the grammatically irregular expression suluya, „to lead astray”.

The main part of the Kaytaria spell, by which the benevolent fish is summoned to the rescue of the drowning party, has the key-phrase bigabaygu suyusayu: „the suyusayu fish shall lift me up”. This expression is noteworthy: even in this spell, which might be regarded as an invocation of the helpful animal, it is not addressed in the second person. The result is verbally anticipated, proving that the spell is to act through the direct force of the words and not as an appeal to the animal.

XII

With this, the survey of linguistic samples from various spells is closed, and we can briefly summarise our results. The belief in the efficiency of a formula results in various peculiarities of the language in which it is couched, both as regards meaning and sound. The native is deeply convinced of this mysterious, intrinsic power of certain words; words which are believed to have their virtue in their own right, so to speak; having come into existence from primeval times and exercising their influence directly.

To start first with the meaning of the magical expressions, we have seen that in this respect they are plain and direct enough. Most of the key-words simply state the magical action, for example when in one of the spells the key-word napuwoye, „I impart magical virtue (of speed)”, or in another the key-words „to paint red in a festive manner”, „to wreathe in a festive manner”, simply describe what the magician is doing. Much more often the principal expressions, that is the initial words and the key-words, of a spell refer to its aim, as for instance, when we find words and phrases denoting „speed” in canoe magic; or, in Kula magic, designations for „success”, „abundant haul”, „excitement”, „beauty”. Still more often the aim of magic is stated in a metaphorical manner, by similes and double meanings. In other parts of the spell, where the magical meaning is imprisoned not so much in single words and expressions, as in explicit phraseology and long periods, we found that the predominant features are: lists of ancestral names; invocations of ancestral spirits; mythological allusions; similes and exaggerations; depreciating contrasts between the companions and the reciter most of them expressing an anticipation of the favourable results aimed at in the spell. Again, certain parts of the spell contain systematic, meticulous enumerations, the reciter going over the parts of a canoe one by one; the successive stages of a journey; the various Kula goods and valuables; the parts of the human head; the numerous places from which the flying witches are believed to come. Such enumerations as a rule strive at an almost pedantic completeness.

Passing to the phonetic characteristics, we saw that a word will often be used in a shape quite different from those in which it is used in ordinary speech; that it will show notable changes in form and sound. Such phonetic peculiarities are most conspicuous in the main words, that is in the key-words and initial words. They are sometimes truncated, more often provided with additions, such as symmetrical or antithetic affixes; formatives added for the sake of sound. By these means there are produced effects of rhythm, alliteration and rhyme, often heightened and accentuated by actual vocal accent. We found play on words by symmetrical couples of sounds, with antithetic meaning like mo- and vi- or mwana- and vina-, both couples signifying „male” and „female” respectively; or -mugwa (ancient) and -v’au (new); or ma- (hither) and wa- (thither), etc., etc. Especially we found the prefix bo-, carrying the meaning of ritual or tabooed, with derivation from bomala; or with the meaning „red”, „festive”, in its derivation from bu’a (areca-nut); onomatopoetic sounds such as sididi or saydidi, tatata, numsa, in imitation of speed noises, of the wailing of wind, rustling of sail, swish of pandanus leaves; tududu, in imitation of the thunder claps; and the rhythmical, expressive, though perhaps not directly onomatopoetic, sentence:

Ga’u, yaga’u, yagaga’u, yaga’u, bode, bodegu.

XIII

If we now turn to the substances used in the magical rites, as means of ritual transference of the spell, we find in canoe magic, dried lalang grass, dried banana leaf, dried pandanus leaf, all used in the magic of lightness. A stale potato is employed to carry away the heaviness of the canoe; although on another occasion heaviness is thrown away with a bunch of lalang grass. The leaves of two or three shrubs and weeds, which as a rule the natives take to dry their skin after bathing, are used for magical cleansing of a canoe body, and a stick and a torch serve in other rites of exorcism. In the rite associated with the blackening of a canoe, charred remains of several light substances such as lalang grass, the nest of a small, swift bird, the wings of a bat, coco-nut husk and the twigs of an extremely light mimosa tree are employed.

It is easy to see that, not less than the words, the substances here used are associated with the aim of the magic, that is, with lightness, with swiftness and with flying.

In the magic of the Kula we find betel-nut, crushed with lime in a mortar, used to redden the tip of the canoe. Betel-nut is also given to a partner, after it has been charmed over with a seducing spell. Aromatic mint, boiled in coco-nut oil and ginger root are also used in the mwasila. The conch-shell, and the cosmetic ingredients, charmed over on Sarubwoyna beach are really part of the outfit, and so is the lilava bundle. All the substances used in this magic are associated either with beauty and attractiveness (betel-nut, cosmetics, the mint plant) or with excitement (conch-shell,

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