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from the general trend of native belief are always to be found. Sometimes they contain important clues, and a deeper insight into the facts, sometimes they mean nothing, and only emphasise the fact, that it is not possible to find absolute consistency in human belief. Only a deeper analysis, and a comparative study of similar phenomena can decide which is the case. XI

In order to complete the survey of all the characteristics of magic, I shall rapidly mention here the economic aspect of the position of magician, although the data referring to it have already been given, scattered through the previous chapters. I have spoken of the matrilineal inheritance of magic, and of the deviations from it which consist in inheritance from father to son, and in the transmission of magic by purchase (Chapter II, Divison VI, and Chapter VI, Division VI under (5)). This latter transaction may take place under two names, which really cover two essentially different operations; the pokala or payment to a maternal kinsman from whom one is going to obtain the magic, and the laga, which is the purchase of magic from a stranger. Only certain forms of magic can freely pass from one clan or sub-clan to another, and are purchasable by the laga system. The majority of magical systems are local, and can descend only in the same sub-clan with an occasional deviation to the son of a member, from whom, however, the magic must return to the sub-clan again. A further economic feature of magic is the payment, which the magician receives for his services. There are many types of payment; some given occasionally by an individual for a definite act of magic, as in the case of sorcery or healing magic; others, paid at regular intervals by the whole community, as in the case of garden and fishing magic. In some cases the payments are considerable, as in sorcery, in rain and fine weather magic, and in garden magic. In others, they amount to little more than a mere formal offering.

XII

In all this, we have been dealing with general characteristics of Boyowan (Trobriand) magic. This has been done mainly on the basis of the material presented in this volume, with only a few examples from other branches of magic. The result so far can be set down thus: magic to the natives represents a special department; it is a specific power, essentially human, autonomous and independent in its action. This power is an inherent property of certain words, uttered with the performance of certain actions by the man entitled to do it through his social traditions and through certain observances which he has to keep. The words and acts have this power in their own right, and their action is direct and not mediated by any other agency. Their power is not derived from the authority of spirits or demons or supernatural beings. It is not conceived as having been wrested from nature. The belief in the power of words and rites as a fundamental and irreducible force is the ultimate, basic dogma of their magical creed. Hence we find established the ideas that one never can tamper with, change or improve spells; that tradition is the only source from which they can be derived; that it has brought them down from times lying beyond the speculation of man, that there can be no spontaneous generation of magic.

We are naturally led now to inquire one stage further into the manner in which the magical words and rites act. Obviously the only way to obtain correct information on this point is to analyse and compare a great number of well authenticated formulae, and minutely recorded rites. Even the collection of Kula magic here partially given in free translation, would allow us to arrive at certain interesting conclusions. But we can go deeper still with the help of linguistic analysis, and we shall proceed to this inquiry in the next chapter.

Chapter XVIII. The power of words in magic — some linguistic data

I — Study of linguistic data in magic to throw light on native ideas about the power of words. II — The text of the wayugo spell with literal translation. III — Linguistic analysis of its u’ula (exordium). IV — Vocal technique of reciting a spell. Analysis of the tapwana (main part) and dogina (final part). V — The text of the Sulumwoya spell and its analysis. VI–XII Linguistic data referring to the other spells mentioned in this volume and some general inferences. VI — The tokway spell and the opening phrases of the canoe spells. VII — The tapwana (main parts) of the canoe spells. VIII — The end parts (dogina) of these spells. IX — The u’ula of the mwasila spells. X — The tapwana and the dogina of these spells. XI — The kayga’u spells. XII — Summary of the results of this linguistic survey. XIII — Substances used in these magical rites. XIV–XVIII Analysis of some non-magical linguistic texts, to illustrate ethnographic method and native way of thinking. XIV — General remarks about certain aspects of method. XV — Text No. 1, its literal and free translation. XVI — Commentary. XVII — Texts No. 2 and 3 translated and commented upon.

I

The aim of this Chapter is to show by a linguistic analysis of two magical texts, and by a general survey of a greater number, what sort of words are believed to exercise magical power. This, of course, does not mean that we are under the delusion that the composers or inventers of magic had a theory about the efficiency of words, and carried this theory into practice by inventing the formula. But, as the moral ideas and rules prevalent in society, though not codified, can be found out by analysing human behaviou; as we reach the underlying principles of law and social propriety by examining customs and manners; as in the study of rites, we see some definite tenets of belief and dogmas — so, in analysing the direct verbal expressions of certain modes of thinking in the magical formulae, we are justified in assuming that these modes of thinking must have somehow guided those who shaped them. The exact manner in which we must imagine the relation between a typical way of thinking in a society on the one hand, and the fixed, crystallised results of this thinking on the other, is a problem of Social Psychology. For this branch of science we are, in ethnography, under the obligation of gathering material, but we need not encroach upon its field of study.

Thus much may, however, be put down, that, in whatever manner we might imagine a spell to have come into existence, it cannot be considered as the creation of one man; for as has been said before, if we examine any one of them, not with the eyes of the natives, but as outside critics, each spell shows unmistakable signs of being a collection of linguistic additions from different epochs. There is in practically every one of them a good deal of archaic material, but not a single one bears the stamp of having come down to us in the same form in which it must have presented itself a few generations ago. So that it may be said that a spell is constantly being remoulded as it passes through the chain of magicians, each probably leaving his mark, however small, upon it. It is the general attitude in matters of magical belief common to all of the successive holders which will be at the bottom of all the regularities, all the typical features found in the spells.

I shall adduce a formula of canoe magic and one of the spells belonging to the mwasila, choosing two texts of which a translation and a commentary of average quality have been obtained, and which show clearly the several characteristic features of verbal magic. Those who are not interested in linguistic technicalities and details of method, may omit the following division, and take up the trend of our argument at division XII.

II

The following text is the wayugo spell, obtained from Layseta, the headman of Kopila, one of the sub-villages of Sinaketa. The commentary was obtained from himself, and from another informant, Motago’i, a man of exceptional intelligence, and a very straightforward and a reliable informant. This spell has been given in free translation before in Chapter VI, and, as has been said there, the rite consists simply in chanting the words over five coils of the wayugo creeeper put on a wooden platter between two mats.

Wayugo spell

A. U’ULA (INITIAL PART)

1 Kala (His) bosisi’ula (ritual eating of fish), kala (his) bomwalela (tabooed inside).

2 Papapa (Flutter), silubida (betel plant), monagakalava (leaving behind).

3 Tubugu Kalabotawosi (Grandfather Kalabotawosi), Tubugu Kwaysa’i (grandfather Kwaysa’i), Tubugu Pulupolu (grandfather Pulupolu), Tubugu Semkuku (grandfather Semkuku), Tubugu Kabatuwayaga (grandfather Kabatuwayaga), Tubugu Ugwaboda (grandfather Ugwaboda), Tubugu Kitava (grandfather Kitava), Bulumava’u Nawabudoga (new spirit Nawabudoga), kaykapwapu (immediate predecessor), Mogilawota (Mogilawota).

4 Kusilase (You sit) onikota (on canoe slips), bukwa’u’i kambu’a (you chew your areca-nut).

5 Kwawoyse (You take) bisalena (his pandanus streamer) Kaykudayuri ( (of) Kaykudayuri) Kusaylase (you place (it)) odabana (on top) Teula ( (of) Teula).

6 Basivila (I might turn),basivilake’i (I might turn on) Kitava miTo’uru,(Kitava your Touru,) mimilaveta (your sea-arm) Pilolu (Pilolu).

7 Nagayne (To-day) isipukayse (they kindle) girina (festive fire) Kaykudayuri ( (of) Kaykudayuri).

8 Kumwam (Thou bind together) dabem (thy skirt) Siyaygana, (Siyaygana), bukuyova (thou fly).

9 Bakabima (I might clutch) kaykabila (the adze handle), bakipatuma (I might grip) yogwayogula (the component sticks).

10 Baterera (I might fly) odabana (on top (of)) Kuyawa (Kuyawa).

B. Tapwana (main part)

11 Odabana Kuyawa (On top (of) Kuyawa), odabana Kuyawa (on top (of) Kuyawa) (repeated several times) bayokokoba (I might become like smoke) odabana Kuyawa (on top (of) Kuyawa) bayowaysulu (I might become invisible) odabana Kuyawa (on top (of) Kuyawa); bayovivilu’a (I might become as a wind eddy), etc.; bayomwaleta (I might become alone), etc.; bayokarige, etc.; (I might become as dead, etc.); bayotamwa’u (I might disappear), etc.; bayogugwa’u (I might become like mist), etc.;

12 The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting Dikutuva for Kuyawa,

13 The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting La’u for Kuyawa. After this, the u’ula is repeated, an’d then a secondary tapwana follows.

14 Bakalatatava (I might heel over), bakalatatava (I might heel over)...; (repeated several times) ula sibu (my keel) bakalatatava (I might heel over); ulo koumwali (my canoe gunwale ); bakalatatava (I might heel over); uli sirota, (my canoe bottom), etc.; ulo katukulu (my prow), etc.; ulo gelu (my rib), etc.; ulo kaysuya (my threading stick), etc.; uli tabuyo (my prowboard), etc.; uli lagim (my transverse board), etc.; ulo kawaydala (my canoe side), etc.

The u’ula is repeated again and the spell is closed by the dogina (concluding part).

C. dogina (conclusion)

15 Kalubasisi (Untranslatable) kalubayo’u (flying(?) ); kuvaylise mayena (you hit his tongue), kuvaylise (you hit) bubuwala (his chest), kulakwoyse (you untie) kala (his) sibu (keel) waga (canoe).

16 Wagam (Canoe (thou art)) kousi (ghost), wagam (canoe, (thou art) ), vivilu’a (wind eddy), kuyokarige (thou vanish) Siyaygana (Siyaygana), bukuyova (thou fly).

17 Kwarisasa (Thou pierce) kamkarikeda (thy sea-passage) Kadimwatu (Kadimwatu); kwaripwo (thou break through) kabaluna (nose his) Saramwa (Saramwa); kwabadibadi (thou meet) Loma (Loma).

18 Kuyokarige (Thou become as dead), kuyotamwa’u (thou disappear), kuyovivilu’a (thou become as a wind

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