Argonauts of the Western Pacific - Bronisław Malinowski (darmowa biblioteka online .TXT) 📖
Argonauts of the Western Pacific to rozprawa naukowa autorstwa Bronisława Malinowskiego. Jest ona efektem wyprawy badacza na wyspy Toulon i wyspy Trobriandzkie.
Malinowski opisuje w niej przede wszystkim rytuał Kula, ukazujący zdolności handlowe ludów tam żyjących. Rytuał polega na wymianie biżuterii, opierającej się na pewnych szytwno ustalonych regułach związanych m.in. z równą wartością wymienianych przedmiotów. Malinowski upatruje w przedstawicielach społeczeństw pierwotnych wcielenia Argonautów z mitologii greckiej, którzy udali się po Złote Runo. Rozprawa Malinowskiego została oparta na wynikach jego metody badań antropologicznych — metody uczestniczącej, a nie wyłącznie obserwacyjnej. Jego działalność była przełomowa dla antropologii, która do tej pory bazowała na prowadzeniu obserwacji, a także rozszerzaniu założeń na kolejne wyniki badań.
Bronisław Malinowski był polskim antropologiem i socjologiem publikującym w pierwszej połowie XIX wieku. Prowadził badania społeczeństw pierwotnych w różnych zakątkach świata.
- Autor: Bronisław Malinowski
- Epoka: Współczesność
- Rodzaj: Epika
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19 Kusola (Thou mould) kammayamaya (the fine sand), kwotutine (thou cut) kamgulupeya (thy seaweed); kuna (thou go), kugoguna (thou put on) kambwoymatala (thy butia wreath).
We have here the native text, translated word for word, each expression and formative affix being rendered by its English equivalent. In obtaining such a verbatim translation and subsequently putting it into a free, intelligible English rendering, there are two main difficulties to be overcome. A considerable proportion of the words found in magic do not belong to ordinary speech, but are archaisms, mythical names and strange compounds, formed according to unusual linguistic rules. Thus the first task is to elucidate the obsolete expressions, the mythical references, and to find the present day equivalents of any archaic words. Even if we obtain a series of meanings corresponding to each term of the original text, there is often considerable difficulty in linking these meanings together. Magic is not built up in the narrative style; it does not serve to communicate ideas from one person to another; it does not purport to contain a consecutive, consistent meaning. It is an instrument serving special purposes, intended for the exercise of man’s specific power over things, and its meaning, giving this word a wider sense, can be understood only in correlation to this aim. It will not be therefore a meaning of logically or topically concatenated ideas, but of expressions fitting into one another and into the whole, according to what could be called a magical order of thinking, or perhaps more correctly, a magical order of expressing, of launching words towards their aim. It is clear that this magical order of verbal concatenations — I am purposely avoiding the expression „magical logic” for there is no logic in the case — must be known and familiar to anyone who wishes really to understand the spells. There is therefore a great initial difficulty in „reading” such documents, and only an acquaintance with a great number makes one more confident and more competent.
IIIIn the ordinary routine of working out such texts, I tried to obtain from the magician the equivalents, word for word, of the more cryptic expressions. As a rule the magician himself knows a good deal more than anyone else about the mythical references, and about certain esoteric expressions contained in the spell. There are some unintelligent old men, unfortunately, who rattle off a formula, and who evidently never were interested about its significance or else forgot all about it, and are no good as commentators. Often a fairly good informant, quite capable of reciting a spell slowly and intelligibly, without losing his thread, will be of no use as linguistic informant, that is in helping to obtain a definition of a word, in assisting to break it up into its formative parts; in explaining which words belong to ordinary speech, which are dialectic, which are archaic, and which are purely magical compounds. I had only a few informants who could help me in this way, and among them the previously mentioned Motago’i was one of the best.
The analysis to which I now proceed can be given only in an approximate manner, for in a full one, a long disquisition on grammar would have to be given first. It will be enough, however, to show in broad outline the main linguistic features of a spell, as well as the methods which have been used in constructing the free translation given in the previous chapters.
The formula here quoted, shows the typical tripartition of the longer spells. The first part is called u’ula. This word means the „bottom part” of a tree or post, the „foundation” of any structure, and in more figurative uses, it means „reason”, „cause” or, again, „beginning”. It is in this last sense that the natives apply it to the first strophe of a song, and to the exordium of a magical formula. The second part of the spell is called tapwana, literally: „surface”, „skin”, „body”, „trunk”, „middle part” of a tree, „main part” of a road, and thus „main part” of a spell or song. The word dogina, literally the „tip” or „end”, used for the „tip” of a tree or the „end” of a tail, is used to designate the „final part” or the „conclusion” of a spell. Sometimes the word dabwana, „top” or „head” (not human head) is substituted for dogina. Thus the spell must be imagined turned upside down, its beginning put at the basis, the u’ula, its main part where the middle trunk would be, and its end at the tip, the dogina.
The opening words of the u’ula in this spell are short, cutting, pithy expressions, each standing for its own cycle of ideas, for a sentence or even a whole story. In this they are typical of the beginnings of Kiriwinian spells. They are also typical, in the great difficulty which they present to the interpreter. Out of the seven words contained in phrases 1 and 2, four do not belong to ordinary speech, and are obscure compounds. Thus the words bosisi’ula and bomwalela are made up first of the prefix bo-, which carries with it the meaning of „tabooed”, „belonging to magic”, and of the two roots sisiula and mwalela, neither of which is a complete word. The first is the root part of the word visisi’ula, which designates a custom associated with this magic. At certain times, in connection with the performance of the wayugo rite, the magician has fits of trembling and then he has to be given some baked fish, and after partaking of it his trembling fit passes. The natives say that he trembles like a bisila (pandanus streamer) and that this shows that his magic is good, since the trembling of the pandanus is a symbol of speed. Mwalela is derived from olumwalela which means „inside”. With the prefix bo- the word can be translated „the tabooed inside”.
It is even more difficult to interpret the general meaning of these two expressions, than to find out their literal equivalents. We have an allusion to a ritual eating of fish, associated with a trembling which symbolises speed, and we have an expression „tabooed inside”. The custom of eating fish after trembling has a magical importance. It adds to the efficiency of magic, as all such observances do. The force or merit of this observance, which, dissociated from the spell and the rite can have no direct effect, is made available by being mentioned in the formula; it is so to speak, magically discounted. This is the best way in which I can interpret the two words of ritual eating and of tabooed interior of the magician.
The three words of sentence 2 have each to tell its own story. The word papapa, „flutter” stands for a phrase: „let the canoe speed so that the pandanus leaves flutter”. Of course the word expresses much more than this sentence, because it is intelligible only to those who are acquainted with the part played by the pandanus leaves in the decoration of canoes, with the native ideas about magical association between flutter and speed, and with the ritual use of pandanus streamers. Therefore the word has a meaning only if taken with the context of this formula, in connection with its aim, with the various associated ideas and customs. To the native, who knows all this and in whose mind the whole context rises, when he hears or repeats „papapa”, the word quivers with magical force. The word silubida, an especial magical transformation of lilobida, stands for a certain variety of the betel pepper plant. The word monagakalava is again an elaborate compound carrying the meaning „to leave behind”. The betel plant is a common magical ingredient, and in this spell, the ancestral spirits will presently be invited to chew betel-nut. „Leaving behind” undoubtedly refers to the other canoes which will be outrun by that of the reciter. Both these words, therefore, can be placed without much difficulty into the context of this spell. It is quite clear, as has been said, that each of these expressions stands alone and represents a self-contained cycle of ideas. The two expressions of sentence probably do belong to one another, but even they represent each one-half of a complex story.
Then, in 3, there comes a long list of names of ancestors, all of whom are said to be real men who had lived in Kitava, the home of this magic. The words kwaysa’i, „stormy sea” and pulupolu, „boiling up”, „foaming up”, suggest that the names are significant and therefore mythical. Nawabudoga, a Kitavan man, was father of the last-mentioned one, Mogilawota, a maternal relative of the present owner. We see here, therefore, a good case of „magical filiation”, by which the present owner, a man of Sinaketa, is connected with the mythical district of Kitava.
The following two sentences, 4 and 5, are linguistically much clearer and simpler, and they present connected sequences of words. They are an invocation to ancestral spirits, asking them to join the magician at the canoe, which is called here Kaykudayuri, „the craft of the Kudayuri”, and to place the pandanus streamers on the top of Teulo. This, in an exaggerated and figurative speech, expresses an invitation to the spirits to follow the man on his trip. It must be noted that, according to the present belief at least, the spirits are not conceived as agents or forces which carry the canoe at the behest of the magician, but as passive companions only. Sentence 6 contains a scornful address to his companions; the magician in prospect sees himself sailing ahead towards the mountains; as he turns round, the Kitava men, that is his companions, are far behind on the beach of To’uru, and the whole sea-arm of Pilolu still lies before them.
In 7, the same trend of ideas is followed; the custom of kindling the fire by the first canoe is alluded to, and the magician sees himself carrying out this privilege. It is to be noted that he speaks always of his canoe under the name of Kudayuri, that is of the mythical flying canoe of ancient times. In 8, the canoe is addressed as a flying witch, who is asked to bind her skirt together and to fly. In 9, the magician verbally retraces an incident from the original myth of Kudayuri. He takes the adze handle, gets hold of the canoe, and strikes it, whereupon the canoe flies.
Thus the u’ula begins with archaic, condensed compounds each carrying a self-contained cycle of magical meaning. Then follows a list of forbears; then more explicit and, at the same time more dramatic sentences; an invocation to ancestral spirits, the anticipated victory in speed, the reconstructed mythical incident.
IVLet us pass now to the tapwana. This is always the longest part of a spell, since we have a whole list of words which have to be repeated with several key expressions, of which in the present case there are three. Moreover, the magician can ad libitum96 repeat the same words over and over again with a key word. He will not go in any fixed order over all the words of the list, but is allowed, in this part of the formula, to return and repeat with one key-word the various items of the list.
It will be best to say here a few words about the manner in which the magical formulae are actually recited. The opening words are always intoned with a strong, melodious cadence which is not permanently fixed, but varies with the magician. The first words are repeated some several times. Thus here, kala bosisi’ula would be reiterated three or four times, and so would be the following two words (kala bomwalela). The words of No. 2 are recited slowly and ponderously but not repeated. The list of ancestors is run over quickly and perfunctorily. The rest of the u’ula, its dramatic part so to speak, is spoken with less melody, more with the ordinary speaking voice and more rapidly.
Then comes the
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