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statement would be entirely meaningless without the knowledge of the natives’ matrilineal institutions, of their customs of inheritance and of property in magic. The correct knowledge of these facts can only be gathered by a collection of objective, ethnographic documents, such as concrete data about cases of actual inheritance, etc.

12 and 13. Here it is explained how far the baloma would become angry and how they would act if a custom were broken. It can be distinctly seen from it that the anger of the spirits is only a phrase, covering all these forces which keep the natives to the observance of old customs. The baloma would go no further than to reproach them for breaking the old rules, and there are no definite ideas among these natives about actual punishment being meted out by offended spirits.

These considerations show convincingly that no linguistic analysis can disclose the full meaning of a text without the help of an adequate knowledge of the sociology, of the customs and of the beliefs, current in a given society.

XVII

Another sample of a native text may be given here, as it is of especial interest, in that it throws light upon the previously given magical formula of the wayugo. It is the text I obtained trying to find the meaning of the word bosisi’ula, which figures at the beginning of the above-mentioned spell. According to two informants of Sinaketa, the word visisi’una refers to the belief already described, that the owner of a wayugo charm is liable to fits of trembling, during which he trembles as a bisila (pandanus) streamer trembles in the wind. He then should ritually eat some baked fish, and this is called visisi’una. Such a man would then ask somebody of his household:

„Kugabu, kumaye, avisisi’una”.

„Thou bake, thou bring, I ritually eat”.

Or someone else would urge his wife or daughter:

„Kugabu, kumaye, ivisisi’una”.

„Thou bake, thou bring, he eats ritually”.

Again, asked for a direct equation, my informant said:

„Ivisisi’una — bigabu, tomwaya ikam”.

„Ivisisi’una — he bake, old man he eat”.

The following text contains a more explicit definition of the term, which I was trying at that time to make clear and to translate by an appropriate English expression.

Explanation of word visisi’una

A. First Informant.

1 Pela (For) isewo (he learn) wayugo (wayugo)(the creeper magic), itatatuva (he (it) tremble) wowola (body his) matauna (this (man)), isa’u (or isewo)(who) he learn) wayugo (wayugo).

2 „Nanakwa (Quick), kugabu (thou bake) kusayki (thou give) tomwaya (old man) (magician) ivisisi’una (he ritually eats) boge (already) itatatuva (he tremble) kana (his) bisila (pandanus streamer), kana (his), wayugo (wayugo creeper).

B. Second Informant.

3 Tayta ((If) one (man)) isewo (he learn) bisila (bisila), gala (not) bikam (he might eat) yena (fish), boge (already) itatuva (he tremble) wowola (body his).

Free translation:

(A.) 1 The body of a man who has learned the wayugo spell, trembles, because he learned the spell. (Someone seeing him tremble, would tell someone of his household):

2 „Quick, bake fish, give to the old man that he might ritually eat, his pandanus streamer trembles, his wayugo”.

(B.) 3 A man who learns the bisila magic and does not eat fish will tremble.

This text, with its foregoing short comments and with its two versions will give an inkling of how I was able to obtain from my native informants the definition of unknown and sometimes very involved expressions and how, in the act of doing it, I was given additional enlightenment on obscure details of belief and custom.

It will also be interesting to give another text referring to the gwara custom. I have given in Chapter XIV a native definition of this custom, and of the reception accorded to the Trobrianders in Dobu when there is a taboo on palms there. The statement was based on the following text, and on certain other additional notes.

Gwara in Dobu and the ka’ubana’i magic

1 Tama (We come (to)) Dobu (Dobu), ikarigava’u (he die anew) — gwara (gwara): bu’a (areca) bilalava (he might ripen) usi (banana) bimwanogu (he might ripen), nuya (coco-nut) bibabayse (they might spike) ka’i (stick) kayketoki (small stick).

2 Gala (No) ka’ubana’i (ka’ubana’i), takokola (we fright): ikawoyse (they take (put on)) bowa (war paints) kayyala (spear), kema (axe); isisuse (they sit) biginayda (they might look at us).

3 Batana (We go) ovalu (in village) tasakaulo (we run) gala (no) tanouno (we walk). batawa (we might arrive) tamwoyne (we (i.d.) climb) bu’a (areca).

4 Idou (He cries): „E! (E!) Gala (No) bukumwoyne (thou mights t climb) bu’a (areca).

5 Bogwe (Already) ika’u (he take) kayyala (spear), mwada (mayhap) biwoyda (he might hit us).

6 Tapula (We ritually spit) nayya (wild ginger root) ka’ubana’i (ka’ubana’i) ika’ita (he return) ima (he come), igigila (he laugh), kayyala (spear), kema (axe).

7 Tapula (We ritually spit) valu (village) kumaydona (all), boge (already) itamwa’u (he vanish) ninasi (mind theirs’) ilukwaydasi (they tell us):

8 „Bweyna (Good), kumwoynasi (you climb) kami (your) bu’a (areca), nuya (coco-nut (palms)), kami (your) usi (banana) kuta’isi (you cut).

In comment added :

9 Gala (No) ikarige (he die) veyola (kinsman his), ninasi ( mind their) bweyna (well).

10 Vivila (Woman) kayyala (spear her) ikawo (she take), pela (for) tokamsita’u (cannibals).

Free translation:

1 We come to Dobu, (there) someone has recently died — there is a gwara: the areca nut will ripen, the bananas will ripen, they will stick up coco-nuts on small spikes.

2 If there is no ka’ubana’i charm made — we are afraid: they (sc. the Dobuans) put on war paint, take up spear and axe, they sit (waiting) and look at us.

3 We go into the village running, not walking; we arrive and climb the areca palm.

4 He (the Dobuan) shouts: „Don’t climb the areca palm!”

5 Already he takes the spear, so as to hit us.

6 We ritually spit about wild ginger root charmed with the ka’ubana’i spell — he returns, comes to us, laughs, he throws away spear and axe.

7 We ritually bespit the whole village, already their intention vanishes, they tell us:

8 „Well, climb your areca palm and your coco-nut, cut your banana”.

9 If no kinsman had died, their intentions are good.

10 A woman would also take up a spear, as they (the Dobuans) are cannibals.

These three texts will be quite sufficient to give an idea of the method of dealing with linguistic evidence, and of the documentary value of immediately recorded native opinions. They will also make clear what I have said before, that only a good, working knowledge of a native language on the one hand, and a familiarity with their social organisation and tribal life on the other, would make it possible to read all the full significance into these texts.

Chapter XIX. The inland Kula

I — To’uluwa, the chief of Kiriwina, on a visit in Sinaketa. The decay of his power. Some melancholy reflections about the folly of destroying the native order of things and of undermining native authority as now prevailing. II — The division into Kula communities; the three types of Kula, with respect to this division. The overseas Kula. III — The inland Kula between two „Kula communities” and within such a unit. IV The „Kula communities” — in Boyowa (Trobriand Islands).

I

After the somewhat long digression on magic, we can now return once more to the description of the Kula. So far, we have been treating only one incident in it, the overseas expedition between Sinaketa and Dobu, and the return visit. But in dealing with this one typical stage we have received a picture of the whole Kula, and we have incidentally learnt all about the fundamentals of the exchange, the magic, the mythology, and the other associated aspects. Now it remains to put the finishing touches to the general picture, that is, to say a few words, first about the manner in which it is conducted within a district, and then to follow the exchange on the remaining part of the ring. The exchange within each Kula community has been called the „inland Kula”. This part of the subject I know from personal experience in the Trobriands only. All that will be said therefore in this chapter will apply primarily to that part of the ring. As Boyowa, however, is by far the biggest and most densely populated piece of land within the Kula, it is clear that in treating the inland exchange in that island, we treat it in its most developed and typical form.

It has been mentioned before, in Chapter XVI that in April, 1918, To’uluwa had come to Sinaketa in connection with the uvalaku visit of the Dobuans. To’uluwa is the present chief of Omarakana, indeed, the last chief of Kiriwina, for after his death no one will succeed him. His power has been broken by the interference of Government officials and the influence of Mission work. The power of the Trobriand chief lay mainly in his wealth, and this he was able to keep constantly at a high level through the institution of polygamy. Now that he is forbidden to acquire more wives, though he may keep his old ones; and now that his successor will not be allowed to follow this immemorial custom of polygamy practised by their dynasty, the power of the chief has no basis, and has to a great extent collapsed.

I may add that this interference, inflicted for no comprehensible purposes, except if it be an exceedingly parochial and narrow-minded application of our sense of morality and propriety, has no legal basis whatever in the regulations of that Colony, and could not be justified either formally or on account of any results it may produce. Indeed, the undermining of old-established authority, of tribal morals and customs tends on the one hand completely to demoralise the natives and to make them unamenable to any law or rule, while on the other hand, by destroying the whole fabric of tribal life, it deprives them of many of their most cherished diversions, ways of enjoying life, and social pleasures. Now once you make life unattractive for a man, whether savage or civilised, you cut the taproot of his vitality. The rapid dying out of native races is, I am deeply convinced, due more to wanton interference with their pleasures and normal occupations, to the marring of their joy of life as they conceive it, than to any other cause. In the Trobriands, for instance, the chief has always been the organiser of all the big, tribal festivities. He received large contributions from the commoners under various legal obligations (see Chap. VI, Division VI) but he gave away all his wealth again in the form of big, ceremonial distributions, of presents at festivities, of food gifts to the partakers in dances, tribal sports and diversions. These were the pleasures in which the natives found real zest, which largely gave meaning to their lives. Nowadays all these pursuits have greatly slackened, because of the lack of concentration of wealth and power in the chief’s hands. He can neither afford to finance the big pastimes of yore, nor has he influence enough to give the same energetic initiative to start them going. After his death, things will be worse still. There are reasons to fear, and even natives

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