Argonauts of the Western Pacific - Bronisław Malinowski (darmowa biblioteka online .TXT) 📖

any spread of goods among natives is achieved by non-economic means, such as robbery, tributes and gifts. The information contained in the present volume is incompatible with Bucher’s views, nor could he have maintained them, had he been acquainted with Barton’s description of the Hiri (contained in Seligman’s Melanesians.) A summary of the research done on Primitive Economics, showing ncidentally, how little real, sound work has been accomplished, will be found in Pater W. Kopper’s Die Ethnologische Wirtschaftsforschung in „Anthropos”, X XI, 1915–16, pp. 611–651, and 971–1079. The article is very useful, here the author summarises the views of others. [przypis autorski]

42. Professor C. G. Seligman, op. tit., p. 93, states that arm-shells, toea, as they are called by the Motu, are traded from the Port Moresby district westward to the Gulf of Papua. Among the Motu and Koita, near Port Moresby, they are highly valued, and nowadays attain very high prices, up to £30, much more than is paid for the same article among the Massim. [przypis autorski]

43. This and the following quotations are from the Author’s preliminary article on the Kula in Man, July, 1920. Article number 51, p. 100. [przypis autorski]

44. In order not to be guilty of inconsistency in using loosely the word „ceremonial” I shall define it briefly. I shall call an action ceremonial, if it s (1) public; (2) carried on under observance of definite formalities; (3) if it has sociological, religious, or magical import, and carries with it obligations. [przypis autorski]

45. This is not a fanciful construction of what an erroneous opinion might be, for I could give actual examples proving that such opinions have been set forth, but as I am not giving here a criticism of existing theories of Primitive Economics, I do not want to overload this chapter with quotations. [przypis autorski]

46. It is hardly necessary perhaps to make it quite clear that all questions of origins, of development or history of the institutions have been rigorously ruled out of this work. The mixing up of speculative or hypothetical views with an account of facts is, in my opinion, an unpardonable sin against ethnographic method. [przypis autorski]

47. Comparing the frail yet clumsy native canoe with a fine European yacht, we feel inclined to regard the former almost in the light of a joke. This is the pervading note in many amateur ethnographic accounts of sailing, here cheap fun is made by speaking of roughly hewn dug-outs in terms of „dreadnoughts” or „Royal Yachts”, just as simple, savage chiefs are referred o as „Kings” in a jocular vein. Such humour is doubtless natural and refreshing, but when we approach these matters scientifically, on the one hand we must refrain from any distortion of facts, and on the other, enter into the finer shades of the natives’ thought and feeling with regard to his own creations. [przypis autorski]

48. The crab-claw sails, used on the South Coast, from Mailu where I used o see them, to westwards where they are used with the double-masted lakatoi of Port Moresby, are still more picturesque. In fact, I can hardly imagine anything more strangely impressive than a fleet of crab-claw sailed canoes. They have been depicted in the British New Guinea stamp, as issued by Captain Francis Barton, the late Governor of the Colony. See also Plate XII of Seligman’s Melanesians. [przypis autorski]

49. A constructive expedient to achieve a symmetrical stability is exemplified by the Mailu system of canoe-building, where a platform bndges two parallel, hollowed-out logs. Cf. Author’s article in the „Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia”, Vol. XXXIX, 1915, pp. 494–706. Chapter IV, 612–599. Plates XXXV-XXXVII. [przypis autorski]

50. The whole tribal life is based on a continuous material give and take; cf. the above mentioned article in the „Economic Journal”, March, 1921, and he disgression on this subject in Chapter VI, Division IV-VII. [przypis autorski]

51. This view has been more fully elaborated in the article on Primitive Economics in the „Economic Journal”, March, 1921; compare also the remarks on systematic magic in Chapter XVII, Division VII. [przypis autorski]

52. The way of hiring a masawa (sea-going) canoe is different from the usual transaction, when hiring a fishing canoe. In the latter case, the payment consists of giving part of the yield of fish, and this is called uwaga. The same term applies to all payments for objects hired. Thus, if fishing nets or hunting implements, or a small canoe for trading along the coast are hired out, part of the proceeds are given as uwaga. [przypis autorski]

53. The words within brackets in this and in some of the following spells are free additions, necessary to make the meaning clear in the English version. They are implied by the context in the native original, though not explicitly contained. [przypis autorski]

54. Compare therefore Chapter XII, Division IV. [przypis autorski]

55. All this is discussed at length in Chapter XVII, Division IV. [przypis autorski]

56. It is necessary to be acquainted with the mythology of canoe-building nd of the Kula (Chapter XII) in order to understand thoroughly the meaning f this spell. [przypis autorski]

57. Compare the linguistic analysis of this spell in Chapter XVIII. [przypis autorski]

58. Cf. Chapter II, Divisions III and IV, and some of the following Divisions of this Chapter. [przypis redakcyjny]

59. eo ipso (Latin) — by that very act. [przypis edytorski]

60. status quo (Latin) — the current state of affairs. [przypis edytorski]

61. I am adducing these views not for any controversial purposes, but to justify and make clear why I stress certain general features of Trobriand Economic Sociology. My contentions might run the danger of appearing as gratuitous truisms if not thus justified. The opinion that primitive humanity and savages have no individual property is an old prejudice shared by many modern writers, especially in support of communistic theories, and the so-called materialistic view of history. The „communism of savages” is a phrase very often read, and needs no special quotation. The views of individual search for food and household economy are those of Karl Bűcher, and they have directly influenced all the best modern writings on Primitive Economics. Finally, the view that we have done with Primitive Economics if we have described the way in which the natives procure their food, is obviously a fundamental premise of all the naīve, evolutionary theories which construct the successive stages of economic development. This view is summarised in the following sentence : „...In many simple communities, the actual food quest, and operations immediately arising from it, occupy by far the greater part of the people’s time and energy, leaving little opportunity for the satisfaction of any lesser needs”. This sentence, quoted out of „Notes and Queries on Anthropology”, p. 160, article on the Economics of the Social Group, represents what may be called the official view of contemporary Ethnology on the subject, and in perusing the rest of the article, it can be easily seen that all the manifold economic problems, with which we are dealing in this book, have been so far more or less neglected. [przypis redakcyjny]

62. These views had to be adduced at length, although touched upon already in Chapter II, Division IV, because they imply a serious error with regard to human nature in one of its most fundamental aspects. We can show up their fallacy on one example only, that of the Trobriand Society, but even this is enough to shatter their universal validity and show that the problem must be re-stated. The criticised views contain very general propositions, which, however, can be answered only empirically. And it is the duty of the field Ethnographer to answer and correct them. Because a statement is very general, it can none the less be a statement of empirical fact. General views must not be mixed up with hypothetical ones. The latter must be banished from field work; the former cannot receive too much attention. [przypis redakcyjny]

63. As a matter of fact, this custom is not so prominent in the Trobnands as in other Massim districts and all over the Papuo-Melanesian world, cf. for instance Seligman, op. cit. p. 56 and Plate VI, Fig. 6. [przypis redakcyjny]

64. Again, in explaining value, I do not wish to trace its possible origins, but I try simply to show what are the actual and observable elements into which the natives’ attitude towards the object valued can be analysed. [przypis redakcyjny]

65. a limine (Latin) — from the threshold, from the beginning. [przypis edytorski]

66. These natives have no idea of physiological fatherhood. See Chapter II, Division VI. [przypis redakcyjny]

67. opprobrium (from Latin) — shame, disgrace. [przypis edytorski]

68. Compare Plate XXXIII, where the yam houses of a headman arc filled by his wife’s brothers. [przypis redakcyjny]

69. This advantage was probably in olden days a mutual one. Nowadays, when the fishermen can earn about ten or twenty times more by diving for pearls than by performing their share of the wasi, the exchange is as a rule a great burden on them. It is one of the most conspicuous examples of the tenacity of native custom that in spite of all the temptation which pearling offers them and in spite of the great pressure exercised upon them by the white traders, the fishermen never try to evade a wasi, and when they have received the inaugurating gift, the first calm day is always given to fishing, and not to pearling. [przypis redakcyjny]

70. Compare the linguistic analysis of the original text of this spell, given in Chapter XVIII. [przypis redakcyjny]

71. Koyatabu — the mountain on the North shore of Fergusson, Kamsareta, the highest hill on Domdom, in the Amphletts; Koyava’u — the mountain opposite Dobu island, on the North shore of Dawson Straits; Gorebubu — the volcano on Dobu island. [przypis redakcyjny]

72. The prefix bo- has three different etymological derivations, each carrying its own shade of meaning. First, it may be the first part of the word bomala, in which case, its meaning will be „ritual” or „sacred”. Secondly, it may be derived from the word bu’a, areca-nut, a substance very often used and mentioned in magic, both because it is a narcotic, and a beautiful, vermilion dye. Thirdly, the prefix may be a derivation from butia, the sweet scented flower made into wreaths, in which case it would usually be bway, but sometimes might become bo-, and would carry the meaning of „festive”, „decorated.” To a native, who does not look upon a spell as an ethnological document, but as an instrument of magical power, the prefix probably conveys all three meanings at once, and the word ritual covers best all these three meanings. [przypis redakcyjny]

73. The prefix bo- has three different etymological derivations, each carrying its own shade of meaning. First, it may be the first part of the word bomala, in which case, its meaning will be „ritual” or „sacred”. Secondly, it may be derived from the word bu’a, areca-nut, a substance very often used and mentioned in magic, both because it is a narcotic, and a beautiful, vermilion dye. Thirdly, the prefix may be a derivation from butia, the sweet scented flower made into wreaths, in which case it would usually be bway, but sometimes might become bo-, and would carry the meaning of „festive”, „decorated.” To a native, who does not look upon a spell as an ethnological document, but as an instrument of magical power, the prefix probably conveys all three meanings at once, and the word ritual covers best all these three meanings. [przypis redakcyjny]

74. See Division II of Chapter V. [przypis redakcyjny]

75. The word