Argonauts of the Western Pacific - Bronisław Malinowski (darmowa biblioteka online .TXT) 📖

points to which we have followed the Kula in two directions, starting from the Trobriands; that is, with Dobu and with Woodlark Island.

On points of detail, some queries must be left unsolved. Were the visits returned by the Dobuans and Muruans? According to all probability, yes, but I possess no definite certainty on this point.

Another question is whether the natives of Tubetube were direct partners of Murua or Dobu. We have seen that natives of Kiriwina sail not infrequently to Iwa, Gawa, Kwayawata and even to Woodlark; yet they are not partners (karayta’u) of these natives, but partners once removed (murimuri). I have definite information that the natives of Dobu Island proper and of Du’a’u, who, as we remember, are not partners of the Southern Boyowans, stood in direct relation of partnership to the Tubetube. I believe also that the natives of Woodlark made direct Kula exchange with those of Tubetube.

The fact, however, that there is a direct line of communication between Murua-Tubetube-Dobu does not preclude the possibility of other and more complex routes running parallel with the direct one. Indeed, I know that the island of Wari (Teste Island), lying almost due South of Tubetube, is also in the Kula. The big island of Misima (St. Aignan Island), about a hundred miles East of Tubetube, forms also part of the ring. Thus a much wider circle runs from Woodlark Island, perhaps from the Loughlans through Misima, the neighbouring small island of Panayati, Wari, and further West, through the group of islands quite close to the East end of New Guinea, that is, the islands of Sariba, Roge’a, and Basilaki, and then northwards again towards Normanby Island. This duplicated circuit in the South-East has its North-Western counterpart in the double ramification which unites Kitava with Dobu. The short route runs direct from Kitava to Vakuta and from Vakuta to Dobu. Besides this, however, there are several longer ones. In one of them the stages are as follows: Kitava, Okayaulo, or Kitava, Wawela, thence Sinaketa, then Dobu direct; or via the Amphletts. Another and still wider ramification would run thus: Kitava, to Kiriwina, Kiriwina to Sinaketa, etc.; or, the widest, Kiriwina to western Boyowa, then Kayleula, thence Amphletts, and from there to Dobu. This last route was not only longest in distance, but owing to the notorious „hardness” of both the natives of Kayleula and of the Amphletts, would take up much more time. A glance at Map V, and also at the more detailed map of the Trobriands (Map IV) will make all this clear.

A more detailed knowledge of the North-Western routes allowed us to see the complications and irregularities obtaining there; that the district of Western Boyowa carried on exclusively the inland Kula, and that merely in the person of a few headmen of a few villages; that Kayleula made Kula on a small scale with the communities in the Amphletts, and that all these, as well as the villages on the Eastern shore of Southern Boyowa, were what we described as semi-independent Kula communities. Such details and peculiarities no doubt also exist with regard to the South-Eastern ramifications of the Kula, but must be taken here for granted.

Following the various threads further on, I have no doubt that the islands lying near the East end of New Guinea — Roge’a, Sariba, Basilaki — are and were in olden days in the Kula ring, communicating in the East with Tubetube and Wari, while to the North they were in contact with the natives of Normanby Island. Whether the large village complex lying at East Cape was also in the Kula I cannot definitely say. In any case all the strands led to the Eastern shores of Dawson Straits, by way of the North-Eastern shores of Normanby Island. From here, from the district of Dobu, we have traced the further lines with complete exactness and detail.

Of the various details of these expeditions and technicalities of the Kula observed in them, I have not much material available. The rules of actual exchange, the ceremonial of conch blowing, the code of honour or morality or vanity, perhaps, compelling people to give equivalent articles for what they have received, all these are the same all along the ring. So is also the Kula magic, with variations in details.

II

One subject on which more must be said is that of the associated trade. A new and important article of exchange accompanies the transaction in the South-Eastern branch of the Kula: the big, sea-going canoes. The main centres of manufacture, and to a great extent manufacture for export, were the islands of Gawa and Panayati. In these places, canoes were constructed for export to the southern districts where the natives did not know how to build such canoes (compare Chapter I, Division III). In olden days the natives of Woodlark Island, before its present depopulation, also probably made some canoes for exchange in external trade. I have seen these canoes owned by natives in the Southern Massim district as far as Orangerie Bay, over two hundred miles from the place where they were manufactured. The trading of this article ran along with the Kula lines of communication, as there is no doubt that the natives of Tubetube and Wari were the main distributors and middlemen in this trade.

How far canoe exchange was associated directly with Kula transactions, I cannot say definitely. Judging from the data given by Professor Seligman109, armshells were paid by natives of Tubetube for canoes purchased from Panamoti in the North. Thus, the mwali in this commercial transaction, travelled in a direction opposite to that in which they must move in the Kula ring. This, again, suggests complete independence of the two transactions. Besides the canoes, another important article of trade in the southern portion are the clay pots manufactured both in Tubetube and Wari. Besides this, the two islands of „merchant venturers”, as they are called by Professor Seligman, carry on their Kula expeditions, and most likely independent of them also, they trade almost all the various articles of industry manufactured in the neighbouring districts and distributed by the two communities. This subject has been treated so fully by Professor Seligman in Chapter XL of his Melanesians that a reference here will suffice110.

Having now before us the whole ring of the Kula, we may inquire how far is this ring in contact commercially with other outlying districts, and, more especially, how far are certain articles of trade imported into it and others drawn out of it? What will interest us most in this connection is the entry into the ring and the exit out of it of the articles of Kula proper, the mwali (armshells) and the soulava (necklaces).

III

One such offshoot of the Kula ring we met in the Trobriands, to wit, the expeditions from the Western village of Kavataria, and from the island of Kayleula, to the Koya of Fergusson and Goodenough. We shall begin with a brief account of these expeditions111. The preparations are very much the same, as in Sinaketa. The canoes are built with more or less the same magic (cf. Chapter V), they are launched ceremonially and the trial run, the tasasoria, also takes place (Chapter VI). The island of Kayleula is by far the more important centre of canoe building. Whether some of the Kavataria canoes were not actually made in Kayleula and purchased by the Kavatarians in olden days, I do not definitely know, though I think this was the case. Nowadays, the community of Kavataria are completely absorbed by the pearling industry, and since about a generation ago have given up the expeditions, and even do not own any canoes. The collecting of trade articles, the magic performed over the lilava, the yawarapu, and the sulumwoya are the same as those described before (Chapter VII) except, that is, that there exists a different system of mwasila in the island of Kayleula, a system which was used also by the Kavatarians. It must be remembered in this connection that the natives of Kayleula did make Kula on a small scale with the Amphlettans, and that their mwasila was connected with the Kula112. But the main object of the Kavatarian and Kayleulan mwasila was their non-Kula trade with the natives of Fergusson and Goodenough. This is quite clear from Mr. Gilmour’s account, and it was also corroborated by my informants. They told me that the mwasila is done because of the kavaylu’a (fine food) that is, of the sago and betel-nut and pigs, the main objects of their expedition: